giovedì 27 novembre 2025

NIGERIA EMERGENCY

Immagine che contiene vestiti, persona, Viso umano, sorriso

Il contenuto generato dall'IA potrebbe non essere corretto. 


Nigeria's "kidnapping factory"

 from jihadism to mafia crime


Attacks on Christian churches and schools

 and kidnapping of teachers and students

Hundreds of "missing" students

Schools closed to avoid risk

UMEC-WUCT stands with its Colleagues in Nigeria and wishes an end to All Violent Acts



The federal government has failed to respond first to Boko Haram's actions, the persecution of believers, and now to the gangs. And only yesterday did the president declare a "national emergency" due to kidnappings.

 

-         by GIULIO ALBANESE

-          The current Nigerian landscape is characterized by a highly complex and stratified geography of violence, a heterogeneous set of dynamics that defies reductive interpretations and sensationalist media narratives. Among the most significant manifestations of this complexity is the phenomenon of kidnapping, which has evolved over the past two decades into a form of parallel economy and, simultaneously, a symbolic and operational device of power. Analyzing the transformations underway in West Africa's largest country means recognizing the inadequacy of an interpretative approach limited to jihadism: kidnapping today constitutes a tool adopted by a variety of actors, situated within interconnected social, political, and cultural frameworks.

International media narratives often tend to associate kidnappings with the operations of extremist Islamist militias active in the northeast of the country, starting with the infamous Boko Haram and its offshoots. Undoubtedly, these armed groups use kidnappings as a weapon of terror, a source of funding, and a propaganda tool. Their incursions into villages in Borno, Yobe, and Adamawa , as well as attacks on schools, have left an indelible mark on collective memory, fueling a widespread climate of fear and distrust of institutions. The 2014 Chibok schoolgirl kidnapping —which brought an already deeply rooted tragedy to the global stage—is just one of the most emblematic cases. The targeting, and to some extent continuing to target (given the movement's smaller reach), Christian communities responds to a logic parallel to "traditional" persecution, but is no longer the primary objective of their actions.

An anti-Christian perspective

Limiting ourselves to this perspective of deplorable anti-Christian activity (much more limited in the last five years but no less serious, as demonstrated by the kidnappings of numerous priests and pastors), however, would be to ignore a substantial part of the picture. In many regions of Nigeria, kidnappings are now perpetrated also—and sometimes primarily—by armed gangs lacking a religious ideology, motivated instead by a combination of social marginalization, structural poverty, systemic corruption, and competition for control of resources. Active primarily in the northwest, in the states of Kaduna, Zamfara , Katsina, Sokoto, and Niger, these organizations pursue no theocratic ambitions: rather, they build a predatory economy fueled by the security vacuum and the fragility of territorial control. The terrain on which these dynamics thrive is a long-term socioeconomic crisis, marked by extremely high levels of youth unemployment, inefficient public administration, and the misuse of the nation's immense wealth—oil, gas, coal, zinc, fertile lands—concentrated in the hands of a select few. In this context, kidnapping becomes a veritable market: farmers, traders, travelers, and students become commodities, kidnapped for ransoms that fuel a vicious cycle of violence and impunity. Furthermore, the line between organized crime and armed militancy is often blurred: tactical alliances, temporary collaborations, and the exchange of weapons and information make the borders extremely porous.

Anthropological and historical dimension of conflicts

A particularly relevant aspect concerns the anthropological and historical dimension of conflicts in Nigeria. The country, populated by approximately 230 million people, is an ethnic and cultural archipelago where competition for land and agricultural resources overlaps with tensions between pastoral and agrarian communities—often simplified as a clash between "Fulani" and "non-Fulani," when the reality is actually much more complex. In many of these areas, the proliferation of small arms and the weakening of traditional mediation structures have favored the transformation of local conflicts into systemic violence. At the root of the kidnappings lies a multifaceted system of insecurity, involving multiple actors. The government's response—varying between military repression and attempts at negotiation—has proven ineffective. And only yesterday, after more than 350 kidnappings in ten days, the president declared a national "security" emergency regarding the phenomenon.

Widespread corruption erodes public trust and delegitimizes any institutional intervention. Local communities, largely left to their own devices, develop autonomous forms of self-defense, giving rise to civilian militias that, though born for protective purposes, risk adding further levels of violence to an already extremely complex landscape. Ordinary people pay the highest price: broken families, traumatized children, communities forced to flee their homes. A young, vibrant, and energetic country finds itself living with the fear of travel, school, and the daily routine that elsewhere is taken for granted. Yet, despite the severity of the phenomenon, Nigeria cannot be defined solely by its wounds. It is also a place of extraordinary resilience, animated by community networks, civil organizations, religious authorities, and traditional figures who promote dialogue, reconciliation, and the protection of the most vulnerable. Christians first and foremost, especially in the central and southern states where attacks on priests continue, almost exclusively for extortion. Authentically narrating the phenomenon of kidnappings in Nigeria therefore means rejecting binaries—jihadists on one side, defenseless populations on the other—and acknowledging the coexistence of multiple Nigerias: that of globalized and dynamic metropolises, that of marginalized rural areas, that of young people seeking a future, and that of those who, deprived of alternatives, are sucked into the market of violence. Only by recognizing this complexity is it possible to grasp the true drama of a country that demands to be heard and understood before being overwhelmed by judgments and reactions.

www.avvenire.it

 

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